CS Knowledge Base

On 15 November 1999, Boris Yeltsin appointed Ivanov as secretary of the Security Council of Russia, an advisory body charged with formulating presidential directives on national security.^{[citation needed]} In that position, Ivanov replaced Putin as Yeltsin's national security adviser upon Putin's promotion to the premiership.^{[citation needed]}

As secretary, Ivanov was responsible for coordinating the daily work of the council, led by the president.^{[citation needed]} But Ivanov's role as secretary was initially unclear to media observers. At the time of his appointment, the Security Council was a relatively new institution and the council was set up by Yeltsin's tutelage in 1991 and 1992.^[10] Between 1992 and Ivanov's appointment in 1999, Yeltsin used the council as political expediency dictated but did not allow it to emerge as a relatively strong and autonomous institution.^[10] According to Western analysts, Ivanov's predecessors in that post – including Putin – were either the second most powerful political figure in Russia or just another functionary lacking close access to the center of state power, depending on their relationship with Yeltsin.^[10]

Ivanov was named by Vladimir Putin, who had succeeded Yeltsin as president on 31 December 1999, as Russia's Minister of Defense in March 2001.^[11] That month, Ivanov stepped down as secretary of the Security Council, but remained a member.^[12] Ivanov had resigned from military service around a year earlier,^[12] and was a civilian while serving as secretary of the Security Council.^[13] Ivanov therefore became Russia's first civilian Defense minister.^[14] Putin called the personnel changes in Russia's security structures coinciding with Ivanov's appointment as Defense minister "a step toward demilitarizing public life."^[15] Putin also stressed Ivanov's responsibility for overseeing military reform as Defense minister.^[16]

Unsurprisingly to specialists on Russia, Ivanov became bogged down in the sheer difficulty of his duties as Defense Minister.^{[citation needed]} But, despite bureaucratic inertia and corruption in the military, Ivanov did preside over some changes in the form of a shift towards a more professional army. Although Ivanov was not successful in abandoning the draft, he did downsize it.^[16]

As Defense Minister, Ivanov worked with U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld to expand Russian-U.S. cooperation against international terrorist threats to both states.^[17]

In May 2001, Ivanov was elected chairman of the Council of Commonwealth of Independent States Defense Ministers.^[12]

From time to time, Ivanov disconcerted Western audiences with the bluntness of his remarks on international military and political issues, though his political orientation was moderate and generally liberal on economic issues. In a series of public comments on the 2003–2004 elections, for instance, he unequivocally stated his opposition to rolling back the Western-style economic reforms and privatizations of the 1990s.^[16]

In October 2003, Ivanov claimed that Russia did not rule out a pre-emptive military strike anywhere in the world if the national interest demands it,^[18] and in March 2004, Ivanov, as Defense Minister, pledged state support to the suspects in Chechen leader Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev's assassination detained in Qatar and declared that their imprisonment was illegal.^[19] Later, Qatari prosecutors concluded that the suspects had received the order to eliminate Zelimkhan Yandarbiev from Ivanov personally.^[20]

In January 2006, Ivanov received criticism for his downplaying response to the public outcry over a particularly brutal hazing incident at a military base in the Urals, which involved Andrey Sychyov as a victim, whose legs and genitals were amputated due to the vicious beatings and abuse.^{[16][21][22][23]}

He responded to the widely covered November 2006 London poisoning of Alexander Litvinenko on 15 December 2006 in Moscow, by telling foreign correspondents that "for us, Litvinenko was nothing. We didn't care what he said and what he wrote on his deathbed."^[24][25] According to Yuri Shvets, Litvinenko was assassinated because he compiled an incriminating dossier about Ivanov.^[26]

In November 2005, Ivanov was appointed to the post of Deputy Prime Minister in Mikhail Fradkov's Second Cabinet, with added responsibility for the Manufacturing industry and arms exports. On 15 February 2007, Putin relieved him of his duties as Defense Minister and elevated him to the position as First Deputy Prime Minister with responsibility over defense industry, aerospace industry, nanotechnology and transport^[27] In June 2007, Ivanov was appointed chairman of the Government Council for Nanotechnology.^[28]

Because of Putin's popularity with voters, opinion polls and Russian political analysts expected Putin's endorsement to help any preferred candidate in the 2008 Russian presidential election.^{[citation needed]} Speculation intensified in November 2005 with Ivanov's promotion to the rank of Deputy Prime Minister.^[16] The speculation further intensified in February 2007 with Ivanov's promotion to the post of First Deputy Prime Minister,^[14] but rumours ceased after the United Russia party nominated Ivanov's colleague Dmitry Medvedev to run for the presidency – with Putin's backing. Ivanov expressed his support for Medvedev's candidacy as well.^[29]

Russian opinion polls suggested that Ivanov enjoyed wide name-recognition among the Russian public with relatively strong approval ratings.^[30][31]

Ivanov's career, in terms of his background and rise through Russia's state structures, was often^[quantify] compared to Putin's, fueling speculation that Ivanov might run for president in 2008. Three months younger than Putin, Ivanov had been a student contemporary of Putin's in their hometown of Leningrad where both completed competitive specialized secondary-education programs (Putin in chemistry, Ivanov in English language) before attending Leningrad State University.^[32] Both completed postgraduate studies in counterintelligence; and both joined the foreign intelligence service shortly afterward. However, according to Ivanov's recollections, he did not become acquainted with Putin during their time as students, but rather when both were assigned to work in the same foreign-intelligence division in Leningrad.^[32]

In December 2011, Ivanov was appointed Chief of Staff of the Presidential Administration of Russia.^[33] He was noted for his hawkish views during the Russo-Ukrainian War and towards the West and his major role in lobbying for the Russian military intervention in the Syrian Civil War.^[34]

On 12 August 2016, Ivanov was relieved from his chief of staff position by Putin and replaced by Anton Vaino. Ivanov then became a special envoy for transportation and the environment. Putin's firing of Ivanov was part of a series of replacements of Putin's older peers with young loyalists.^[35] The Steele dossier (Report 2016/111) claims that his encouragement of meddling in the 2016 United States presidential election, which provoked unanticipated blowback against the Kremlin, was the catalyst for his firing.^[36]

On 20 March 2014, the U.S. Office of Foreign Assets Control added Ivanov to the Specially Designated Nationals List.^[47] On 24 February 2022, following the start of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, the U.S. imposed new sanctions on Ivanov and his son Sergey.^[48][49]

Ivanov died on 26 June 2026, at the age of 73.^[50] He was buried on June 30 at the Troyekurovskoye Cemetery in Moscow.^[51] His funeral was attended by high-ranking politicians such as Vladimir Putin, Dmitry Medvedev, Sergey Lavrov, Sergey Naryshkin, Dmitry Kozak and others.^[52]